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Africa’s governments must help protect subsea cable infrastructure for better cyber defense’s governments must help protect subsea cable infrastructure for better cyber defenseFrancois Vreÿ <p>​October is Cybersecurity Awareness Month. In an opinion piece for the <em>Mail & Guardian</em>, Prof Francois Vreÿ (Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa) writes that Africa's governments must work together to protect subsea cable networks and energy-related infrastructure along the continent's coastline for better cyber defense.</p><ul><li>Read the article below or click <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">here</strong></a><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong>for the piece as published.</li></ul><p><strong>​Francois Vreÿ*</strong> <br></p><p>During August 2023 South Africans experienced intermittent internet difficulties that endured longer than expected <a href=""><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"><strong>due to a cable break in the Eastern Atlanti</strong></span><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"><strong>c</strong></span></a><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </span>in the Congo Canyon bordering Central Africa. Eventually, it came to light that four cable systems – West Africa Cable System (WACS), South Atlantic 3 (SAT-3), Africa Coast to Europe (ACE) and an Angolan connection – were damaged by the subsea mud and rock slides. Over time, a cable repair ship of<strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong><a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Orange Marine</strong></a><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong>stationed in Cape Town, but working off Kenya at the time and dedicated to repair cable breakages off Africa repaired the damaged cables to restore connectivity.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">What remains somewhat opaque in all of this is the extent of subsea cable networks and energy-related infrastructure traversing the oceans off Africa and the growing debate on protecting subsea infrastructure. This debate is rapidly heating up as instances of human interference act as catalysts given the <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">2022 Nord Stream sabotage</strong></a> in the Baltic following the Russian attack on Ukraine, and the damage to the <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Balticconnector subsea gas pipeline</strong></a> between Estland and Finland across the Baltic in October 2023. </p><p style="text-align:justify;">In addition, a quick glance at the map of submarine cables around Africa on the <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Submarine Cable Networks</strong></a> page offers a colourful snapshot of the current state of multiple and ever-growing subsea networks off the African coast. These networks provide coastal states and landlocked countries in their hinterlands with data flows and internet connections.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">As we observe Cybersecurity Awareness Month during October, we should also take note of the current debate on how to protect the growing physical data and energy infrastructure on the seabed, as well as the products they carry, from human and natural interferences. It is easier to frame and respond to natural and accidental interferences or damage by ways of mitigation and responses as shown by the <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Léon Thévenin cable repair ship</strong></a> dedicated to the African coastline. Deliberate human interferences by way of sabotage from terrorism, insurgents, as well as state actors like navies and shady or non-state entities operating deep-sea vehicles or vessels, are much more difficult to deal with. The risk, however, remains as the world's demands for secured energy and data flows grow. Data and energy have become primary sources of economic growth in the 21<sup>st</sup> century and therefore the demand for secured access increased and become a critical feature to users.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Turning to Africa, <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Agenda 2063: The Africa we want</strong></a><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong>as well as the <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020-2030)</strong></a><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong>rely heavily on secure subsea energy infrastructure as a fundamental infrastructural element for delivering services, growth, good governance and commercial goods and connectivity on the continent and with partners in Europe, South and East Asia, and the USA. Africa also houses extensive offshore energy hubs off East and West Africa that contain their own subsea networks to extract, process and shift energy products. Add to this the future growth clean energy demands through <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">wind farms at sea</strong></a> that must connect to other sites and bring power to the African coast, then the current and future scope of safe and secure subsea infrastructure become a greater concern. This also underlines the immature protection debate on critical subsea infrastructure and data networks as a more difficult domain to master.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Identifying threats and vulnerabilities for subsea data cable networks is quite mature and framed as natural, accidental, and systemic. All three offer scope for repair interventions by way of known damage repair methods where the private sector tends to take the lead. Two difficulties plague and hinder the protection debate. First, how to overcome the conundrum of critical infrastructure on the seabed belonging to private corporations and stretching over multiple state and international jurisdictions. Cooperation, private-public partnerships and offering facilities to house protection and repair operations is one way that governments and regions such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) can contribute. This is probably more a question of political awareness and will to understand and respond with regimes of cooperation.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Second, a more difficult issue is the one regarding state interference by specialized agencies, navies and even front organisations engaging in grey zone warfare. Protection in this case is much more premised upon building a global consensus on when subsea infrastructure becomes a legitimate target – whether the physical infrastructure, or their product flows. As for the latter, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR)'s programme on <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Building a more secure world</strong></a><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0"> </strong>plays a leading role with its programme on cybersecurity and the recent publication <a href=""><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0">Wading murky waters: Subsea  Communication Cables and Responsible State Behaviou</strong>r</a>.<br></p><p style="text-align:justify;">The overall imperative is to build a global consensus on rules and best practices to protect subsea cable infrastructure that has become such primary conduits for the proper functioning of national and international systems. This is, however, a slow and difficult process as the systems on the seabed, as well as its protection and the UNIDIR programmes take place out of sight and in a world largely invisible to citizens and many societies despite their dependence on the data and energy flows.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Countries like South Africa can contribute to the difficult protection debate by helping to ensure better safeguarding of the numerous cable networks off the SADC coast and spreading further afield into and from the Gulf of Guinea, and the Indian Ocean. If South Africa is regarded as a gateway to Africa, then it must also be the digital gateway and take the lead to make possible the Digital Transformation Strategy for Africa (2020-2030) as well as help African societies move forward in the digital world. To do this, politicians and key stakeholders in South Africa must team up with their African partners and turn their gaze towards the coast to help protect the vast potential housed in the subsea infrastructure on the seabed of the Indian and Atlantic Oceans washing onto Africa's shores.</p><p style="text-align:justify;"><strong>*</strong><strong>Prof Francois Vreÿ is an Emeritus Professor at the Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa in the Faculty of Military Science at Stellenbosch University.</strong></p><p>​<br></p>
Third International Workshop on Combating Transnational Crime in Africa International Workshop on Combating Transnational Crime in AfricaProfessor F. Vreÿ<p>​The partnership between SIGLA (Stell Univ) and DTRA of the USA has since 2016 resulted in a series of International Workshops on Combating Transnational Crime in Africa. This year the third event held in Stellenbosch over 3 days focussed on countering cybersecurity threats with about 85 delegates from African countries, INTERPOL, the African Union, UNODC, the RSA, UK and USA participating. The themes covered INTERPOL measures, the African Union, critical infrastructure, SABRIC, maritime cyber threats, and included grassroots measures to protect and empower vulnerable groups such as the women and the youth. Enquiries: Prof Francois Vreÿ - <a href=""></a> (0825934225)​<br></p>
SU Research Fellow co-authors a report on the oversight role of parliaments during the COVID-19 pandemic Research Fellow co-authors a report on the oversight role of parliaments during the COVID-19 pandemic Professor Francois Vreÿ (SIGLA)<p>​​​<br><br></p><p> <strong><img src="/english/faculty/milscience/sigla/PublishingImages/Photos/WilhelmJvR.jpg" class="ms-rtePosition-1" alt="" style="margin-right:15px;width:123px;height:123px;" />Dr Wilhelm Janse van Rensburg</strong> (PhD), Parliamentary Researcher on Defence and Research Fellow with <a href="/english/faculty/milscience/sigla/Pages/Conferences-and-workshops-2022b.aspx">SIGLA</a> (Stellenbosch University), co-authored a report on the oversight role of parliaments during the COVID-19 pandemic funded by the <a href="" target="_blank"><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-9-5"><strong>Geneva Center for Security Sector Governance</strong></span></a>. Titled <a href="" target="_blank"><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-9-5"><strong>Parliament's contributions to SSG/R and the SDGS</strong></span></a>, the research covered the use of the security sector during Covid-19 and the related roles of parliaments in South Africa, the Philippines and the United Kingdom. The study identified a need for a rapid parliamentary oversight capability of security sector utilisation, especially in cases of extraordinary deployments coupled with an elevated risk of executive dominance.</p><p>The paper was co-authored by Ms Nicolette van Zyl-Gous (Parliamentary Police Researcher) and Prof Lindy Heinecken (Stellenbosch University).<br></p><p>​<br></p>
Stellenbosch University Research Fellow the lead author on the costs of piracy to Gulf of Guinea countries University Research Fellow the lead author on the costs of piracy to Gulf of Guinea countriesProfessor ​Francois Vreÿ<p>​​​​​<img src="/english/PublishingImages/Lists/dualnews/My%20Items%20View/CurtisBell.jpg" alt="CurtisBell.jpg" class="ms-rtePosition-1" style="margin-right:20px;width:150px;height:185px;" /><strong>Dr Curtis Bell </strong>(PhD), Associate Professor, US Naval War College and Research Fellow with the Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa (SIGLA), was the lead author of a 2021 report, commissioned by the UNODC and funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs of Norway, to determine the economic costs of piracy to twelve countries in the Gulf of Guinea (GoG). Professor Bell is also a director at the <a href="" target="_blank"><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-9-5"><strong>Stable Seas Foundation</strong></span></a> and developed the Maritime Security Index, a measuring instrument to assess maritime security of African coastal countries. </p><p>The report accounts for direct, indirect and opportunity costs faced by countries and concluded that a total cost of approximately $1.925 billion burdens GoG countries due to piracy, affiliated costs, and responses from littoral states. The report, Pirates of the Gulf of Guinea: A Cost Analysis for Coastal States, is available at: <a href="" target="_blank"><span class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-9-5"><strong></strong></span></a>​<br></p>
Maritime cyber security threats off Africa cyber security threats off AfricaF. Vrey<p>​Mr Abdul Hakeem Ajijola, Chair of the African Union Cyber Security Expert Group was the keynote followed by two panel discussions on <strong>Maritime cyber security and governance in Africa – challenges and solutions</strong> and <strong>Emerging threats and the African maritime cyber landscape</strong>. Proceedings available at <br></p>
Navy ‘indispensable power instrument in the hands of policy-makers’ ‘indispensable power instrument in the hands of policy-makers’Francois Vreÿ & Mark Blaine<p>Navies must be seen as indispensable power instruments in the hands of policy-makers to successfully negotiate and secure the shifting naval and maritime security landscapes of the 21st century, write Prof Francois Vreÿ & Captain Mark Blaine (Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa) in a recent opinion piece for <em>Cape Times</em>.<br></p><ul><li>Read the article below or click <a href="/english/Documents/newsclips/Vrey_Blaine_CapeTimes_Nov2020.pdf"><strong class="ms-rteThemeForeColor-5-0" style="">here</strong></a> for the piece as published.</li></ul><p><strong>Francois Vreÿ & Mark Blaine*</strong></p><p style="text-align:justify;">In a world that constantly changes, military forces must keep in step and adapt to remain relevant instruments of policy. Navies are no exception and pressures for adaptations to better defend maritime territories are a constant feature of what naval forces face in the early 21<sup>st</sup> century. Given the indisputable importance of the oceans amidst threats from state and non-state actors operating at sea, navies have a critical role to play in the overall security architectures aimed at securing the maritime interests of countries through awareness, policing, enforcement and maritime defence when required.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Navies remain primary instruments of military coercion operating on and from the sea. Second only to land warfare in its theoretical underpinnings, naval warfighting developed over centuries and rests on an established theory of naval warfare, roles and tasks that enable them to be much more than mere warfighting organisations. In this vein, 21st-century navies must react to multiple political demands to do more than just warfighting and these pressures compel them to respond. </p><p style="text-align:justify;">Navies react in different ways to what their foes and policy-makers demand. As opposed to shedding warfighting roles as proposed by some, they show flexibility and rather migrate along their roles and tasks to keep in step with changes and demands in their operating environments. Some large navies execute several roles simultaneously, smaller navies change in a sequential way between warfighting and secondary roles while several navies prefer to dedicate their resources largely to roles other than warfighting. <br></p><p style="text-align:justify;">Navies also tend to adapt to changes in their environment rather than shedding 'old' and assuming 'new' roles and tasks. In the case of China for example, a large naval militia augments the Chinese navy (PLAN) with certain naval tasks executed by civilian vessels when required. In the case of Iran, the traditional Iranian Navy features alongside a smaller, but independent naval force (the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Navy) geared for asymmetric warfare in the Persian Gulf. Sri Lanka, in fighting the Tamil insurgents, and countries bordering the Gulf of Guinea off West and Central Africa show how navies choose to respond to threats below the warfighting level to protect their maritime and national interests by fighting asymmetrically or turning to policing and enforcing the rule of law.<br></p><p style="text-align:justify;">While narratives for slashing warfighting roles continue to pressure decisions about navies, a more nuanced reality underpins their contemporary roles. Although their operating environments change, decisions about their tasks and roles tend to shift along a spectrum that includes cooperation with other maritime agencies to address non-traditional maritime security threats below the level of naval warfare. As one of the more flexible instruments of military coercion, navies have evolved over time to ply their trade over this shifting landscape of maritime threats and vulnerabilities, rather than heed calls to reject the old and assume new roles.<br></p><p style="text-align:justify;">It should be mentioned that not all navies are organised and equipped to respond successfully to ever-changing maritime threats. They rather dedicate their organisational culture and assets to address the rise and decline of maritime threats and vulnerabilities. Modern blue water navies from China, the USA, Japan, Russia and the EU for example simultaneously conduct policing, diplomatic and simulated warfighting postures off Africa and in the South China Sea. The small Sri Lankan navy demonstrated early in the 21<sup>st</sup> century how a navy can sequentially migrate between traditional and non-traditional roles and tasks when national interests are threatened by insurgents operating at and from the sea. The Gulf of Guinea, in turn, exemplifies how navies cooperate with multiple state and non-state agencies across local regions to mitigate a growing maritime threat landscape comprising non-traditional maritime threats that collectively endanger national and regional security and, more specifically, human security.</p><p style="text-align:justify;">It's clear that navies remain an important coercive power instrument for governments to ensure they can use the oceans as a safe and secure landscape for transportation and extracting living and non-living resources. We've reached a point where opposing navies are no longer the only or even most dangerous threat for navies to respond to.  Powerful and armed non-state actors are also part of the modern maritime threat spectrum and decision-makers must empower their navies to adapt, build partnerships and strengthen capacities to keep the world's oceans safe and secure. The collective outcome is one of role migration, rather than a stark rejection of traditional naval tasks and roles amidst a policy and security environment calling for multiple naval contributions. <br></p><p style="text-align:justify;">Overall, navies must be seen as indispensable power instruments in the hands of policy-makers, and policy tools that offer more than warfighting capabilities to successfully negotiate and secure the shifting naval and maritime security landscapes of the 21<sup>st</sup> century.</p><p style="text-align:justify;"><strong>*</strong><strong>Prof Francois Vreÿ & Captain Mark Blaine are affiliated with the Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa at Stellenbosch University. This article is based on their chapter in </strong><strong><em>Global Challenges in Maritime Security: An Introduction </em></strong><strong>(2020).</strong></p><p><br></p>
The UN and Africa: Progress towards achieving the SDGs UN and Africa: Progress towards achieving the SDGsProf Francois Vrey<p></p><p>​</p><p style="text-align:justify;">Wednesday to Friday, June 19-21, 2019 <br><br></p><div style="text-align:justify;">Stellenbosch University | South Africa<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><div>In 2017, UNSG Antonio Guterres and African Union Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat signed a Joint UN-AU framework for Enhancing Partnership in Peace and Security. Both leaders, however made clear that peace and security is just one of many fields in which the two organizations intend to cooperate more closely. The relationship between the UN’s Agenda 2030 and the AU’s 2063 was mentioned, as was migration, climate change, terrorism, human rights, good governance and the rule of law. The Summit not only marked a new beginning in the relationship between the UN and the AU, but also signalled a new understanding of the relationship between the UN and Africa, and its nations and people. UNSG Antonio Guterres made that univocally clear at the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, in January of this year. Africa faces many interrelated challenges such as keeping the peace, developing its economies, managing migration, and countering terrorism and crime: 7 out of 14 peacekeeping operations in the world are deployed in Africa; 33 African countries are classified as least developed (out of 47); 30% of Africa’s population is internally displaced, and transnational organized crime and terrorism are on the rise on the African continent. Within the new partnership between the UN and the AU; between the world and Africa, possibilities may arise for new approaches to development, new roles for African states and <span style="color:inherit;font-size:inherit;">organisations </span>, new socio-economic and political solutions. Whatever these solutions are, they must be – to use the words of UNSG Guterres: “Africa owned, Africa-driven and Africa-led.”<br></div><div><br></div></div><div style="text-align:justify;">We welcome proposals for individual workshop papers and full workshop panels addressing the following themes related to the relationship between the UN and Africa and the cooperation between the UN and African nations in addressing global and African issues:<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><div>>How is the partnership between the UN and the African Union to be operationalized in such policy <span style="color:inherit;font-size:inherit;">areas as </span>peace and security, SDGs and human rights?</div><div>>What is the role of other regional organizations like ECOWAS, SADC, EAC, IGAD and ECCAS?</div><div>>How can the UN and Africa work towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals?</div><div>>How are the most pressing humanitarian issues in Africa to be addressed and tackled?</div><div>>What is the role of African states in global governance beyond the African continent?</div><div>>What is the role of civil society and the private sector in the sustainable development of Africa? <br></div><div>>What is the role of women and youth in achieving the SDGs? <br></div><div><br></div></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Special attention will be given to proposals related to the African Research Universities Alliance (ARUA) thematic areas.<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Climate Change</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Poverty and Inequality</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Food Security</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Unemployment and Skills Development</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Non-Communicable Diseases</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Notions of Identity</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Materials Development and Nanotechnology</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Good Governance</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Water Conservation</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Post-Conflict Societies</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Energy</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Urbanisation and Habitable Cities</div><div style="text-align:justify;">>Mobility and Migration<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Call for Papers - Workshop Panels and Posters<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">The Academic Council on the United Nations System (ACUNS) now is accepting workshop papers, panel proposals, and posters for presentation at its thirty-second Annual Meeting, to be held Wednesday to Friday, June 19 – 21, 2019 at Stellenbosch University in South Africa.<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Proposals on the Annual Meeting theme – “The UN and Africa: Progress Towards Achieving the SDGs” – and on the subthemes and issues raised in the introductory note, in addition to other topics relating to the UN system and the broader mandate of the Council, will be considered.<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Current ACUNS members in good standing (including new or newly-renewed members) will be given priority consideration for their proposals, but non-members are welcome to submit proposals.</div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Applicants from African countries outside South Africa are invited to inquire about partial funding that may be available.</div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">APPLICATION PROCEDURE<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">>To register, and to submit proposals for presentation, visit:>Deadline: The deadline for uploading your proposals at is Monday, February 25, 2019.>Submissions: To submit an individual proposal, full panel proposal, or poster proposal you will be required to upload full contact information, the paper/presentation/panel title(s), abstract(s) of no more than 200 words, and biographical note(s) of no more than 200 words.>Registration: Once your proposal is accepted you are required to register for the 2019 Annual Meeting at Fees:<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">ACUNS Member $150 US ACUNS Student Member $75 US<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Non-Member $225 US Student Non-Member $125 US</div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Event location:</div><div style="text-align:justify;"><br></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Stellenbsoch University, visit<br></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><div>Questions about submissions: contact the ACUNS Secretariat</div><div>at:<br></div><div><br></div></div><div style="text-align:justify;"><div>For general questions about the Council and its activities, please contact: <br></div><div><br></div><div>Prof. Math Noortmann,<br></div></div><div style="text-align:justify;">Executive Director, ACUNS,</div><div style="text-align:justify;">E-mail: <br></div></div><div><br><br><br></div><p><br></p>
SIGLA @Stellenbosch participates in maritime security workshop @Stellenbosch participates in maritime security workshopFrancois Vrey<p>​SIGLA participated in a maritime security governance workshop in Victoria Seychelles over the period 19-23 March 2018. The hosts were the Africa Center for Strategic Studies (USA) and the government of Seychelles. The 5-day workshop comprised selected speakers on maritime security (Prof Francois Vrey from SIGLA @ Stellenbosch presented on maritime strategy formulation), followed by daily panel discussions to assist maritime officials from West, North, East and Southern Africa with strategy formulation. The workshop culminated with a visit to the newly-built piracy court in Victoria. The latter included a briefing by the Chief Justice and Judge President of Seychelles and the judge that heard al the appeals stemming from piracy trials. The Indian Ocean Commission and regional maritime co-ordination center also hosted and briefed the workshop group to highlight co-ordination of threats-responses and dealing with incidents in the Western Indian Ocean.<br></p>
Safe Seas Project: Best Practices for Maritime Security Capacity Building Seas Project: Best Practices for Maritime Security Capacity BuildingProfessor Francois Vreÿ<p>​​​The British Academy funded the Safe Seas project that researched and published on the best practices for maritime security capacity building in the Western Indian Ocean. Bristol and Cardiff universities partnered with Stellenbosch University (SIGLA), Nairobi University and the University of Seychelles in order to research the topic. SIGLA (Stellenbosch University facilitated a round table for contributing authors in Stellenbosch 9-10 December 2017. Contributing authors from Bristol and Cardiff universities, SIGLA, Kenya, Pakistan, Somalia, Djibouti, and Seychelles  participated in the author round table. The Safe Seas team launched the toolkit in Nairobi on 02 March 2018. See and the book publication is earmarked for launch during the middle of 2018. SIGLA housed the principle investigator, Prof Christian Bueger, Cardiff University, for 2 months to prepare the best practices toolkit and set up the launch.<br></p>
First International Workshop on Combating Transnational Threats-Opening Speakers International Workshop on Combating Transnational Threats-Opening SpeakersProf Francois Vrey<p>​Opening Speakers of the First International Workshop on Combating Transnational Threats</p><div><br></div><div>Combating Transnational Maritime Threats off Africa through Collaborative Efforts in Policy Making, Enforcement and Capacity Building</div><div>Jointly presented by SIGLA (Stellenbosch University) & DTRA/NCIS (USA)</div><div>3-5 May 2017</div><div>Stellenbosch, South Africa<br></div><div><br></div><div>Prof Tshehla, Dean, Faculty of Military Science ; the CDA of the USA to South Africa, CDA Jessye Lapenn , and Prof Hester Klopper, Deputy Vice Chancellor: Strategic Initiatives and Internationalisation.<br></div><div><br><br></div><p><br></p>